The government should protect our communities, not cut them

(c) nailest

Katy Owen

Today’s report from False Economy that more than 2,000 charities are being forced to close services and sack staff, if alarming, is hardly a surprise for most, not just those involved with the third sector. This represents concrete statistical evidence that the coalition’s programme of cuts is directly affecting the most vulnerable in our communities and suggests that the government puts more weight on instant money-saving and political point-scoring over local authorities than on protecting the services which it should value most. Read more of this post

Opinion: Policing shouldn’t be tested by trial and error

(c) kenjonbro

Katy Owen

There is a bill currently making its way through the House of Lords  (albeit without a fight) titled ‘Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill’ which, among other things, aims to abolish police authorities and replace them with elected police commissioners. These commissioners would be selected based on proposed policing priorities for different areas which constables would then be expected to address and prioritise.

Home secretary Theresa May has argued that these changes would increase the connection between the public and the police and improve democracy while putting police decisions in the hands of local communities rather than Whitehall. So far, so populist. One imagines that this change is part of this government’s attempt to be associated with the positive notion of reform as well as the negative one of cuts. Read more of this post

Big Society? More like Big Fallacy

(c) Leon Kuhn

Henry Fowler is a recent politics graduate

The ‘Big Society’, David Cameron’s flagship policy, has been widely discussed and criticised. In an age where austerity measures are undermining key public services and exposing the vulnerable in our society, Cameron is replacing these vital services with a nudge to encourage a great volunteer spirit. This agenda mirrors past prime ministers’ attempts to engage society in an understanding that being a part of the UK contains rights; but one has to be responsible within society to gain these rights. This concept has been called numerous things, Tony Blair called it communitarianism. What is consistent with this policy, whatever shape it takes is farcical and shallow. Read more of this post

Big society’s big mouth

A guest post by Terry Ryall

The recession and deep cuts in public services have prompted a very important debate around the role of young people and their ability to manage and direct their future in this ‘age of austerity’. 

The rise of youth unemployment, tuition fees, higher education cuts, job losses, closure to local services, slashes to social housing and scrapping of youth employment schemes and the Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) will all impact the lives of young people. The last few months of 2010 saw an up-surge of youth activism, as young people rallied against fees and government cuts, dispelling the myth that young people are apathetic and uninterested in politics.

Here at v, we believe that young people want to be vocal about what matters to them, and deserve platforms and opportunities to share their opinions and be heard. It is crucial that they influence the discussions taking place around them and shape what role they want to play in society. Not only that, young people are vital to the realisation of the government’s goals for a more civically and socially engaged ‘Big Society.’

v wants to put opportunity and power into the hands of young people. This week we have launched a national campaign – Big Society’s Big Mouth – which asks young people what role they want to play in society. 

The creation of v’s Big Society’s Big Mouth project will help facilitate debate, promote concerns of young people to those in power and empower young people to take an active role in their communities. It bridges the gap between young people and the government, amplifying young people’s views and solutions for a bigger, better society. .

This campaign is a response to research which found that only 25% of young people have heard of the Big Society and over two thirds (67%) of young people don’t know what the Big Society means for them.

The Big Society is a concept that is moving rapidly from rhetoric to reality. We at v believe it is vital that young people are given the opportunity to help define and refine what the Big Society means to them.  Many young people are already taking real action in their communities.   However policy makers currently run the risk of ignoring the views of a group without which building a more socially active society will be impossible.

The Big Society’s Big Mouth campaign will develop young leaders and inspire real action as well as conversation.  Through social action projects on the ground, young people will engage with community issues and develop their own solutions to local problems. 

Our mission with the Big Society’s Big Mouth campaign is to start a debate that will not only engage with thousands of young people, but that will also identify tangible solutions to the barriers that may be preventing them taking a more active role in their communities. We will then work with young people to take their proposals to government and ensure they influence the development of Big Society and youth policies at both a national and local level. Big Society’s Big Mouth will give young people the chance to finally have their say on the key issues affecting their lives today.

Terry Ryall is CEO of v

Back to the drawing board: localism and economic growth

The clocks have gone back, plunging the nation into self imposed darkness at 4.30 kicking off the annual, “Greenwich Mean Time, what’s that all about then?”

And a similar debate is emerging as worried local authority chiefs, business leaders and even Coalition ministers wonder if the government’s plans to stimulate regional economic growth will be able to lighten the darkness of public sector job losses and spending cuts.

Local government is undoubtedly one of the least sexy topic in politics, especially when it comes to the issues of……YAWN, administrative structures. Please bear with me now, because the radical reorganisation of local government currently taking place will have a very real impact on the biggest issues facing the country, deficit reduction and the Coalition’s economic holy grail, private sector growth.

The Coalition’s embrace of localism is not just about the devolution of political control, it is a promise of a new era of economic growth lead by a new spirit of private enterprise in towns and cities across the country. This spirit is typified by the noise about decentralisation and a new era of civic radicalism at the Conservative Party conference in Birmingham, replete with references to the great figurehead of that city’s original municipal revival “radical Joe” Chamberlain. The Coalition’s plans to create modern day Chamberlains; executive Mayors in the 12 largest regional cities have been undermined by local opposition over the confused details and contradictory nature of the proposals and have been described by one council leader as “totally undemocratic.”

The Coalition’s policy for local economic growth has been defined in the Comprehensive Spending Review and the recent BIS White Paper on Local Economic Growth.

The Comprehensive Spending Review has reshaped how local government will operate in Britain; the eye watering cuts of 51% to the Department of Communities and Local Government and the annual 7.1% reductions in Local Authority funding are going to have a profound affect and lasting affect on how councils operate, and the relationship between central and local government. For most departments the CSR was a struggle to minimise their losses, fighting for every line of expenditure, but for Eric, if not his department it has been welcomed as the start of a bold new experiment in localism.

There are two forces at work in this experiment, and it’s a potentially volatile mix; firstly local authorities have been identified as a major source of readily available spending cuts. This is local government as a land of town hall fat cats, equality and diversity bureaucrats, health and safety jobsworths, environmental enforcement non jobs, all with their gold plated public sector pensions. They are bloated bureaucratic organisations that grew fat under the Labour tax and spend years, riddled with duplication and inefficiency that have become a burden, crowding out private sector growth.

But there is another local government, a local government that is a potential source of dynamism and innovation that was strangled under Labour’s central control. Freed from the tyranny of Whitehall councils will be free to create innovative solutions to local problems that reduce the costs of central programs like welfare, criminal justice and health service by taking on a greater responsibility for commissioning of local services through place based budgeting. Councils can also drive local economic growth by cooperating with each other and private enterprise to coordinate local economic growth.

Localism is an attempt to balance these contradictory visions of local government. Deep spending cuts will force to make very difficult decisions about what services to prioritise and where to make inevitable cut backs; in effect they will decide who losses out. This will involve stark and painful choices.

In exchange for taking a big slice of the pain of public spending cuts councils will have an increased scope to respond in their own way, with less responsibility to meet targets from central government and less restrictions on how they spend their money as the level of ring fencing by central government is slashed. As Eric Pickles sets out in his letter to Local Authority Chief Executives, this is an era of “new financial freedoms and flexibility” for councils.

The upcoming Localism Bill will build on this trend, and while the finer details aren’t yet clear, the drive towards will be towards increasing powers and competency of councils while reducing their statutory responsibilities to provide some of the services that at the moment they have a legal responsibility to deliver.

As councils cut back on services, as they make redundancies, as unemployment increases the government is banking on a new era of private sector growth to compensate for the contraction in the public sector economy. BIS’s White Paper on Local Economic Growth has set out the Coalitions strategy of rebalancing local economies and stimulating private sector growth using the tools Regional Growth Fund and Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) to fill the void left by Regional Development Agencies

However there are big questions marks over the whether this approach can really make a substantial economic impact given the lack of funds and strategic coordination. The confusion around the creation of LEP’s raises a number of serious questions about how such an uneven group of organisations, with no additional funding will be able to coordinate an economic miracle on the scale that the Coalition is banking on to absorb the impact of public spending cuts.

These problems are a telling illustration of tensions in the government’s localism approach, as a total of 62 proposals were submitted to fill the void of the 9 Regional Development Agencies, a number that far exceeded the Coalition’s expectations. The 62 bids were a motley assortment; some are fully formed proposals building smoothly on existing city regions and multi area agreements began under the Labour government.

Other proposals were hastily constructed, with squabbling local authorities unable to come to an agreement, resulting in a number of contradictory and overlapping bids disgruntled partners in the local private sector and no clear mechanism for local accountability. The White Paper approved 24 of these proposals, while the remaining areas have been sent back to drawing board by the government, to produce proposals that reflect both local priorities and the requirements of the national government. The map of current LEP proposals makes an interesting jigsaw, with the North East conspicuously blank.

As yet no functions of Regional Development Agencies have been transferred to LEP’s, either they have returned to BIS or they will just cease to function, LEP’s will have the right to bid for greater powers but given the early experiences this is far from guaranteed.

LEPs are backed up by the Regional Growth Fund, a transition fund to help areas bridge the economic chasm opening up as the public sector economy contracts, but will it have a significant impact? The RGF will allocate £1.4 billion over 3 years, which is less than the annual budget of the RDA’s, and while the Conservatives have incessantly criticised RDA’s as wasteful and bureaucratic repeated evaluations demonstrated they were among the most cost effective government organisations, spending less than 10% of their budgets on administration. It’s hard to see how a three year fund will be able to compensate for the impact of public spending cuts, let alone kick-start a dynamic economic miracle in areas where the existing private sector is correspondingly weak.

The scale of the economic challenge facing many regions is set out in a recent report by Price Waterhouse Coopers that painted a grim picture of the impact of the public spending cuts on employment and economic growth, especially in the North of England:

“Whilst symbolically important, we also question whether on its own the Regional Growth Fund (RGF)… will provide enough incentive or access to funds to make a material difference, as the proposed scale of the RGF is less than 25% of the annual Regional Development Agency (RDA) outturn for 2009/10. We also question whether local authorities and the newly created Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) will have the resources, fiscal powers and capacity to mitigate the impact of cuts and promote growth locally.” 

This is the challenge facing the Coalition’s strategy for economic growth outside London and the South East, an entire administrative layer of well funded government bureaucracy devoted to stimulating economic growth has been removed, replaced with a temporarily funded collection uncoordinated bodies.

In setting out its localism agenda the Coalition has recognised that devolving power will be unpredictable, even messy. This is either a deliberate strategy to avoid responsibility for the ensuring mess as councils “slash and burn” services and local economies decline, or it is a genuine willingness to let go of the reins of political control in order to allow different areas to try substantively different approaches to suited to their areas, or most likely, a bit of both.

Rebuilding Local Economies: A Shift in Priorities



The grassroots movement for economic localisation represents a positive and practical response to the challenges of food insecurity, climate change, peak oil and financial instability. Governments should support this alternative vision for sustainable, human-scale development.

From the burgeoning popularity of farmers’ markets and co-operatives to the revitalisation of community banking, people are organising to reclaim the economy from large profit-driven corporations and ‘too big to fail’ financial institutions. The small-scale and diversity of these local initiatives masks the immense potential they hold for addressing fundamental flaws in the current model of economic development. Rather than treat the swing towards the local as a fad or misplaced radicalism, the policy community should work to support this alternative vision for sustainable, human-scale development.

Why localise?

The concept of discriminating in favour of local economies is by no means new. One of the most well known advocates of protecting the local is none other than John Maynard Keynes, as emphasised in his famous essay of 1933, On National Self-Sufficiency: “I sympathise with those who would minimise, rather than those who would maximise economic entanglements among nations. Ideas, knowledge, science, hospitality, travel – these are things that of their nature should be international. But let goods be homespun wherever it is reasonable and conveniently possible, and above all, let finance be primarily national.”

Of course, the world has changed in ways that Keynes could not have anticipated. For contemporary advocates of what is often referred to as ‘localisation’, the issues extend far beyond the protection of local jobs and industry. To dismiss supporters of small-scale, community-oriented economic development as protectionists – as many do – is to misconstrue both the motivation and the methods of those involved. The growing emphasis on greater self-reliance should instead be considered in light of a number of unresolved crises that are the unintended consequences of a globalised economic framework: food insecurity, climate change, peak oil and financial instability.

Hunger in the global food system

Global food production has increased significantly over recent decades, yet so too has the number of people suffering from chronic hunger. Recently revised figures reveal that victims of global hunger remain at an unacceptable high of 925 million (UN Food and Agriculture Organization, 2010). Lack of available food supply is not the fundamental problem, as current production levels are more than sufficient to meet global needs. The structural causes of food insecurity are rooted in an over-dependence on volatile international markets in basic food commodities, both in developing and developed countries.

Market volatility – largely a result of speculative activity – not only results in price hikes for the poorest households who spend up to 90 per cent of their income on food, but it can also push prices down for farmers whose livelihoods depend on export crops. The media and many NGOs have also paid much attention to increasing malnutrition in agricultural areas where cash crops, including biofuel crops, have replaced local food production.

The conclusions of the International Assessment of Agricultural Science and Technology for Development, undertaken by 400 scientists under the auspices of the UN and the World Bank, clearly state that the focus on export crops has left many small-scale producers (the majority of the rural poor) vulnerable to volatile international market conditions and international competition, often from subsidised producers in the North.

Prioritising local food

Rebuilding local food economies is an important step towards addressing the problems of volatility in global markets. Small-scale, diversified food production for local and regional consumption is essential for creating more stable livelihood opportunities for the rural poor in developing countries, and also offers the best hope for ensuring national and regional food security through increased self-reliance.

In industrialised countries, localising food production and increasing food self-sufficiency is equally important. The local food movement, most evident in the growing popularity of initiatives such as community gardens and local farmers’ markets, seeks to address both sustainability and fairness in the global food system. Concepts such as ‘food miles’ have made consumers conscious of the carbon emissions associated with long-distance trade in agricultural commodities, to the point where supermarket chains now actively seek to stock shelves with local produce.

The environmental costs of globalisation

Various reports by UN agencies over the past year suggest that the worldwide drive towards globalisation and urbanisation is taking an ever-greater toll on the earth’s ecosystems. In particular, the twin spectres of climate change and peak oil threaten the long-term viability of current international trade patterns.

Trade forms a growing share of our increasingly fossil fuel intensive global economy, and the transport it depends on is one of the fastest rising sources of greenhouse gas emissions. Not only are nations engaged in ecologically wasteful ‘boomerang trade’ (exporting and importing identical goods that could remain in domestic markets), but many industrialised countries now ‘outsource’ the true environmental impact of their consumption patterns by importing goods and food from other countries.

Under the Kyoto Protocol, greenhouse gas emissions are allocated to the countries where the gases are generated, not where the produce is consumed. A study undertaken by the Carnegie Institute for Science found that around one-third of EU nations’ CO2 emissions were embodied in goods and services imported from other countries, mainly in the developing world. Globalised production patterns thus allow countries with high levels of consumption to avoid responsibility for CO2 emissions and other ‘negative externalities’ yet to factor into the market price of goods.

Price rises associated with peak oil production also threaten the longer-term sustainability of current production and trade patterns. In many parts of the world, communities have become dependent upon globalised supply-chains fuelled by cheap energy to meet local needs. As readily available oil supplies dwindle – which the International Energy Agency has warned may be as early as 2012 – the extraction of more energy- and carbon-intensive fossil fuels (such as from the Canadian tar sands) will further exacerbate the environmental costs of globalised trade.

An alternative – trade subsidiarity

If governments seem sluggish in their response to these problems, large numbers of the public do not. The Transition Towns Network, one of the fastest growing social movements in the world, aims to reduce the ecological impact of economic activity by building resilient, diversified local economies. Through projects such as local currency schemes, community gardens and re-skilling workshops, people are self-organising to rejuvenate localised economic activity and reduce fossil fuel usage.

The aim of such initiatives is not communal autarky, but rather to realign the production and distribution of goods and services within ecological limits while still ensuring basic human needs are secured. Supporters of localisation recognise that economies of scale are essential for efficient production in some areas, such as in the manufacturing of electronic goods. But where there are major environmental and social benefits in producing on a smaller scale, local trade should be prioritised.

A global economy organised along these lines would naturally reflect the principle of trade subsidiarity. While political subsidiarity involves devolving decision-making to the lowest practical level, extending the concept of subsidiarity into the realm of production and consumption would encourage goods to be traded as locally as possible. The environmental benefits are twofold. Firstly, replacing large-scale, energy-intensive production and transport systems with localised small-scale, labour intensive systems would help countries to drastically reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Secondly, it would also reduce the ‘out of sight, out of mind’ effect that allows rich nations to avoid the environmental consequences of their over-extended consumption patterns.

Financial crisis: an opportunity for reform?

The 2008 financial crisis exposed deep flaws in the neoliberal approach to economic development that has dominated policy-making since the 1980s. Government intervention in the economy and the nationalisation of many financial institutions proved essential in preventing system-wide collapse, despite the dominant laissez-faire ideology. It is now clear that unregulated markets are not intrinsically stable, nor do they lead to greater prosperity for all. Policies to promote free trade and economic globalisation have concentrated wealth in the hands of a few, while communities everywhere have become more vulnerable to shocks in the global market and a ‘race to the bottom’ in labour and environmental standards.

With little consensus on what should replace the status quo in economic policy-making, the G20 has directed all its efforts to saving the free market global economy – leading to an even greater reliance on export-led growth, reduced barriers to trade and increased capital flows between states. Frustrated by a perceived lack of sufficient action from governments, many people are moving to reclaim control over the economy themselves through alternative business and banking practices. An increasing number of community banks and credit unions are seeking to redirect finance towards long-term investments in local business and social enterprise. The boom in micro-credit is also bolstering social investment in the poorer regions of developing countries, enabling people to start up localised enterprises in areas often neglected by traditional finance. And alternatives to the corporate business model, such as co-operatives, social enterprises and family-owned businesses, are receiving renewed support to encourage local ownership and production.

With many long-held economic maxims under serious review, a great opportunity exists to build a fairer and more sustainable global economic infrastructure. Instead of rolling back the regulatory powers of the state in the hope that the globalised free market will act as the lever of economic growth and widespread affluence, members of the Commonwealth should work together to foster resilience and diversity at the local level.

A new policy framework

Although strengthening local economies depends upon bottom-up development and widespread participation at the local level, the wider policy environment is equally as important. Current grassroots efforts to ‘go local’ are hampered by national and international policies geared towards encouraging comparative advantage in a liberalised global economy. To allow this marginalised movement to reach the mainstream clearly requires a wholesale shift in the priorities of economic policy-making.

As the specific conditions for encouraging locally-oriented business vary from country to country, the recommendations listed here are necessarily broad. These are but the first steps in creating an alternative economic framework in which sustainable, resilient local economies can flourish:

Internalise environmental costs of production and transport to provide the right kinds of incentives for more efficient and environmentally-friendly local forms of production and consumption in a range of industries. This can be achieved through ecological tax reform and/or pricing mechanisms for the use of natural resources and ecosystem services, as well as the removal of public subsidies for fossil-fuel-intensive energy, transport and agriculture.

Renegotiate international trade and finance rules so that their end goal is the regeneration of diversified local economies. Trade agreements should be guided by the principles of subsidiarity, sustainability and sufficiency, thereby reducing the negative environmental and social ‘externalities’ associated with globalisation.

Facilitate the introduction of local currencies and the set up of local banking and micro-finance institutions to encourage long-term investment at a local level. This can help provide the necessary financial assistance that small businesses require to set up and operate.

Introduce and enforce rigorous anti-trust legislation to break up concentrations of corporate power and encourage local competition among small businesses.

Develop alternative indicators of progress, beyond GDP, that incorporate measures of well-being and sustainability.

A new path of development

For many people, the motivation to rebuild local economies goes beyond practical concerns about economic stability and sustainability. It is rooted in a deep dissatisfaction with the lifestyle promoted by an economic system that globalises production and consumption, placing profit and efficiency above local participation and community. By actively discriminating in favour of diverse and resilient local economies, the governments of the Commonwealth can set their countries on a new path of development – one that fosters human flourishing and safeguards the planet for future generations.

Anna White is a policy analyst at Share The World’s Resources. She can be contacted at anna(at)stwr.org.  This article was originally published here: http://www.stwr.org/economic-sharing-alternatives/rebuilding-local-economies-a-shift-in-priorities.html

Whose big society is it anyway?

Now that the Coalition, led by human wrecking ball in chief Eric Pickles, has finished tearing down the last vestiges of regional government by removing the regional government offices they’re turning their attention to what will take their place.

And guess what folks; it’s that panacea for all society’s ills, the “Big Society”…. again.

Eric’s Department of Communities and Local Government has published it’s very own structural reform plan; the document that sets out the department’s new rasion d’etre; “Making localism and the big society part of everyday life.”

So it seems when Eric isn’t stomping around in his hard hat demolishing Quangos, he’s going to be using that hammer to hammer out the gospel of the big society. In recognition of this Eric has been made joint chair of the government’s big society ministerial committee, taking his place alongside Francis Maude, after all its going to take a big man to build the big society.

The structural reform plan sets out a series of reforms to deliver localism agenda and support the big society, with a big focus on getting rid of those horrible rules and regulations that force local authorities to fill out forms about how many people they employ to fill out the forms they have to fill out to satisfy the latest government directive about form filling. Instead local councils, and communities, that’s us by the way, will be liberated from this paper based oppression and allowed to rule ourselves using common sense.

This involves increasing local council’s independence by cutting the inspection and guidance regime including the Comprehensive Area Assessment and devolving greater control over local spending by phasing out ring fencing for high performing councils. There are also plans for 12 directly elected city mayors, proposals to give local residents the power to institute referendum on any local issues and extremely vague pledges to let local community groups take over the running of local public services.

This big society check list is not a coherent vision or set of policies, it is a pick mix of familiar sound bites and easy sentiments; anti-state, anti-bureaucracy and greater efficiency all timeless aspirations for every incumbent government, including the previous administration.

And from these meagre acorns will the tree of the big society grow? Well no because that’s not how grass roots work. While volunteers and charities can do fantastic work they can’t do it for free and are often dependent on contracts to deliver services or local authority grants for their premises, their part time staff, to pay the bills. The Coalition knows this, but the big society is not about expanding the New Labour formula of increasing government funding to the voluntary sector to deliver public services. Instead there will be the double impact of spending cuts as council services get cut, followed by the disappearance of charities that support people who relied on that state support.

 It’s all part of how the coalition envisages the big society, it’s not about altering models of state support, it’s about self reliance of groups that are independent and self financing, untainted by financial reliance on the state. Think of the big society as a village fete, locally organised by those with requisite social capital to do a bit of fund raising and a bit of do gooding, all under the patronage of the great and the good of the shire.

This is most clearly articulated in their plans for a mini army of 5000 self sustaining community organisers, who will train local people to… errm probably clean up parks and that, but hopefully they won’t get around to organising their communities to protest against cuts to huge job losses and closure of vital services.

In practice the big society is an idea that can only be defined negatively, and the only thing Coalition Minister’s seem to agree on is that it’s not the state. So to make room for the big society the state must be rolled back, and this has major implications for the state at the local level where the big society must be seen in the context of huge, and if the Conservatives get their way, permanent, public spending that will decimate local council services.

To ensure the big society is effective window dressing for compassionate conservatism it has to be everything to all people everywhere. This pandering is perfectly captured by David Cameroon every time he opens his mouth on the subject, like in Liverpool recently where he offered this precise definition.

“You can call it liberalism. You can call it empowerment. You can call it freedom. You can call it responsibility. I call it the Big Society.”

Well you probably shouldn’t Dave, because it doesn’t quite have the same ring to it. “Give me big society or give death” or “big society, equality and fraternity.” I don’t think so.

Revolution begins at home: the coalition’s localism agenda

“Localism, Localism, Localism” is the rallying cry, well rallying wisecrack, of the figure implementing the coalition’s new local government strategy and, my oh my, what a figure it is. If the coalition is a love-in threatening to turn sour, like a hastily arranged shotgun marriage, then Eric Pickles is the uncle noisily elbowing his way to the front of the buffet queue.

While Pickles doesn’t fit (or even fit in) the mould of the identikit, slim and Southern, public-school boys that dominate the coalition, that may be a distinct advantage.  A brusque, working class Northerner with solid Labour credentials from way back, with a background in the humdrum world of local politics (no hedge fund manager or PR consultant he) he’s been picked as the perfect Tory candidate to usher in this great local government revolution. And revolutionary fervour is nothing new to Eric who, as a school boy, could be found running round with Das Kapital under his arm and inciting his fellow classmates at Keighley Grammar to throw off their chains. Then one day it all changed: the Soviet tanks rolled into Prague and Comrade Eric put away his little red book and joined the Conservative Party.

So what can we expect from this impending local government revolution? Are we to see Eric return to his revolutionary roots to let a thousand flowers of democratic devolution and citizen empowerment bloom? Or is he relishing the opportunity to finally achieve his dream of “destroying municipal socialism forever” and finally laying the ghost of dear old great granddaddy to rest.

What is clear is that the politics below the national level is going to experience a major reorganization with potentially far reaching consequences.

The architecture of Labour’s regional government experiment will be dismantled, with government offices and Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) both increasingly looking like they’ll be taking their place alongside regional assemblies and regional ministers in that great quango bonfire in the sky. Even if the northern RDA’s remain on a voluntary basis under St Nick of Halham’s protection, and ask the steel workers of Sheffield or nurses of Hartlepool how that’s worked out so far, their functions will be stripped with the focus firmly on promoting private sector growth, none of this reducing inequalities malarkey.

To fill the void left by demise of regional government, the Coalition has promised to reinvigorate local politics by: devolving greater power to local authorities, including greater control over local spending priorities; removing much of current central government inspection regime; and setting out hazy plans to give local communities a greater say in how services are delivered, including the right to “take over local state run services.” However, in the context of the most server public spending cuts in a generation how much freedom will councils actually have to shape a local, democratically driven agenda?

Already it is the treasury dominating the shape of local government reform, with £1.2 billion of the £6 billion in announced cuts coming from the Department of Communities and Local Government (DCLG) budget, and the freeze on council tax increases for the next year undermines the talk of greater financial autonomy.

In practice it seems local councils will have the freedom to carry out the coalition program of cuts and the Big Society agenda of public service reform. However these two policies may not be easily sit together, as the Free School reforms; where local authorities will lose their ability to shape education policy in the interests of the community in the name of consumer choice, demonstrate.

The shape of DCLG cuts is also a worrying trend that belies Boy George’s “We’re all in this together” message. By raiding £446m from area-based grants, the funding targeted at areas with the highest levels of deprivation, the DCLG is placing a disproportionate burden on those communities least able to bear it.

These are the communities that were largely excluded from the benefits of the previous decade of economic growth, that have already been hit hardest by the recession, that already have the highest levels of poverty and highest rates of unemployment. They are the people and communities that need the greatest protection from the affects of cuts. But they are not protected. Instead, they are the most vulnerable. These areas, more likely to be Northern and Labour, areas where the Conservatives don’t have to worry about a middle-class backlash because funding for supported living has been cut, or unemployment continues to rise because the Working Neighbourhoods Fund is slashed.

This risks repeating the mistakes of the 1980’s, beginning another cycle of Cameron’s broken Britain, but still, it’s better that than telling Tory shires that they’ve got to reduce bin collections to twice a month, then Eric really would have a revolution on his hands.

It starts on the gardens: the Conservatives’ first move towards localism

If every issue that makes up a party’s manifesto is given an icon to symbolise what it represents, land issues and development surely is high on the list that defines localism. Whether it is the uses of gardens, fence and hedge disputes or the contentious issues concerning planning permission, nothing else conflicts, aggravates or separates communities more over the running of an area than its appearance. It is on this idea that the Decentralisation Minister, Greg Clark has stepped forward with his first policy and it is focused on what, perhaps, is the most iconic of localist issues.

Greg Clark has come out stating that local councils will be allowed to refuse developments on gardens in a move to give areas more control over their own growth. Redefining gardens from ‘previously residential land’ (effectively Brownfield sites) restricts green land being swallowed up by developments and while, on paper, this is a solid piece of legislation that surprises no one, it offers an insightful image of The Conservative’s grasp of populist localism.

This is perfectly examined in Steve Coogan’s character in Armando Iannucci’s satirical film, In the Loop.  What develops from a constituency surgery concerning a collapsing wall ends up with the sacking of Tom Hollander’s MP. Even after his clumsy handling of the run up to the war in the Middle East, his handling of this local issue was the death knoll of his political career and the poignancy of this and Clark’s first visible policy is telling. They both show the importance placed on local issues and while The Conservative manifesto was shaped around localism it cannot happen overnight. In the face of Cameron’s ‘Big Society’, palpable and small but significant pieces of legislation are needed to soften the ground. It makes sense that the government’s opening gambit is so iconic and so hard to dislike.

Before The Conservatives want to vote on the running of hospitals, before they hand over the keys to the local school to our next door neighbours, and before they open the door to a flurry of referendums, they need something small though significant to lead the way. But there is a danger that in the face of such a sweeping redrawing of our social map, that practicalities may be sacrificed for ideologies. Referendums assume people will take part, they assume our voter turnout numbers are large enough to be truly representative, they hope we are all interested.

How many steps the Tories use to wean us on to their larger society can only be guessed at. A step up from garden and land disputes is perhaps more local control over the banishment of potholes but this policy can only hint at a Tory future. If Cameron cannot fully create and realise his Big Society in his five year term, the Right, and his own party, will feel betrayed by his lack of scope and his inability to do what he promised, leaving the public unsure of his credentials to get things done. The Left will be energised by this failure; if such a divisive segment of legislation falters they can portray Cameron and The Conservatives as ideologues who are unable to construct tangible and workable policy. But Greg Clark knows he needs to conserve his name and office for the larger more influential fights. Before reorganising the running and organisation of schools, NHS and police boards, he needs the public to be on his side. We can only wait to see what follows.

Exeter’s plans for independence are Pickled

The election month of May isn’t even done with yet but the Liberal-Conservative alliance has already dealt a hefty blow to localism in Exeter. Plans to allow Exeter to ‘break away’ from Devon County Council and form a unitary authority have been quashed by the new minister for dealing with all things local, Eric Pickles. Opponents to the new unitary authority i.e. the Lib Dem-Conservative dominated County Council argued that the unitary authority was all for the benefit of Labour (even though it’s actually run by the Lib Dems), so the new government’s response has been to rise above such narrow-minded power grabbing by reversing the decision made by parliament, and giving the Tories and Liberals in Devon what they wanted instead. So much for a move towards localism by Pickles!

I know that there are some on the left who are not keen on unitary authorities, and this is understandable. There is always a fear that it will result in job cuts and large amounts of money being spent on the changeover. But with the national deficit as bad as it is and the new regime looking to make ‘savings’, there’s nothing to suggest that the County Council won’t cut jobs anyway, and it seems unlikely that the Lib-Cons were going to allow Exeter City Council to throw money around redesigning logos and letterheads. Locally focused services are more likely to make it clear to local communities and the powers-that-be in town halls or Whitehall exactly what the frontline of public services actually consists of: schools, road maintenance, housing, street cleaning, and the administration that such services ultimately require. You name the service – its frontline; but what does frontline actually mean if such services provided in your area are very different to the services in another part of the county which falls under the same authority?

Exeter is a distinct community from rural Devon. Living here, I can never quite get over how huge the county is. Exeter to Barnstaple is about the same distance as Brighton to south London (and that’s only half the county); but in the South East, you’d pass through several local authorities on your way. It seems unreasonable to expect a farmer living fifty miles away on the moors of West Devon to care about congestion (which is pretty bad) or social housing demand (even worse) in an urban area like Exeter when he comes to vote in the County Council elections. People are asked to think of the bigger picture in general elections, but local election decisions are rightly based on our local experiences. But that’s the current set-up, mad as it is. It’s hard now to imagine Torbay or Plymouth being part of Devon County Council and it was only a matter of time before Exeter went the same way. If the government are serious about devolving power to local communities they could do worse than make a decent start by letting Exeter have its independence.

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